Absolute and relative measures – what’s the difference?

I’m re-working a paper on risk relativism in response to some reviewer comments, and also preparing a talk on the topic for Friday’s meeting at KCL, “Prediction in Epidemiology and Healthcare”. The paper originates in Chapter 8 of my book, where I identify some possible explanations for “risk relativism” and settle on the one I think is best. Briefly, I suggest that there isn’t really a principled way of distinguishing “absolute” and “relative” measures, and instead explain the popularity of relative risk by its superficial similarity to a law of physics, and its apparent independence of any given population. These appearances are misleading, I suggest.

In the paper I am trying to develop the suggestion a bit into an argument. Two remarks by reviewers point me in the direction of further work I need to do. One is the question as to what, exactly, the relation between RR and law of nature is supposed to be. Exactly what character am I supposing that laws have, or that epidemiologists think laws have, such that RR is more similar to a law-like statement than, say, risk difference, or population attributable fraction?

The other is a reference to a literature I don’t know but certainly should, concerning statistical modelling in the social sciences. I am referred to a monograph by Achen in 1982, and a paper by Jan Vandebroucke in 1987, both of which suggest – I gather – a deep scepticism about statistical modelling in the social sciences. Particularly thought-provoking is the idea that all such models are “qualitative descriptions of data”. If there is any truth in that, then it is extremely significant, and deserves unearthing in the age of big data, Google Analytics, Nate Silver, and generally the increasing confidence in the possibility of accurately modelling real world situations, and – crucially – generating predictions out of them.

A third question concerns the relation between these two thoughts: (i) the apparent law-likeness of certain measures contrasted with the apparently population-specific, non-general nature of others; and (ii) the limitations claimed for statistical modelling in some quarters contrasted with confidence in others. I wonder whether degree of confidence has anything to do with perceived law-likeness. One’s initial reaction would be to doubt this: when Nate Silver adjusts his odds on a baseball outcome, he surely does not take himself to be basing his prediction on a law-like generalisation. Yet on reflection, he must be basing it on some generalisation, since the move from observed to unobserved is a kind of generalising. What more, then, is there to the notion of a law, than generalisability on the basis of instances? It is surprising how quickly the waters deepen.

Relative Activity in philosepi

Having neglected this blog for several months I find myself suddenly swamped with things to write about. My book has been translated into Korean by Hyundeuk Cheon, Hwang Seung-sik, and Mr Jeon, and judging by their insightful comments and questions they have done a superb and careful job. Next week there is a workshop on Prediction in Epidemiology and Healthcare at KCL, organised by Jonathan Fuller and Luis Jose Flores, which promises to be exciting. Coming up in August is the World Congress of Epidemiology, where I’m giving two talks, hopefully different ones – one on stability for a session on translation and public engagement, and one on the definition of measures of causal strength as part of a session for the next Dictionary of Epidemiology. And I’m working on a paper on risk relativism which has been accepted by Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health subject to revisions in response to the extremely interesting comments of 5 reviewers – I think this is possibly the most rigorous and most useful review process I have encountered. Thus this is a promissory note, by which I hope to commit my conscience to writing here about risk relativism, stability and measures of causal strength in the coming weeks.

A taste of my own medicine

Yesterday I briefed the media on my work and recent book on philosophy of epidemiology, ahead of next week’s launch event at the University of Johannesburg, and today one piece appeared in the Times (here) and two (here and here) in the Star. All the pieces are reasonably fair, and the latter two in particular are more conceptually focused, and thus quite a nice reflection of what I try to do. But it’s interesting for me that what grabbed the most attention were largely empirical claims. A couple of radio stations picked up on the claim that the vitamin supplements industry is a “con”, appearing in the Times piece, and I was interviewed at lunchtime today by Talk 702 and RSG. Both homed in on my claims about vitamins. Talk 702 asked if I expected any defamation actions. I guess this is how the media works – you never quite know which part of what you say is going to be amplified over the rest. That said, I am very grateful to the Times journalist that the context of my “con” claim was included in the piece.

For interest, I thought I would upload the presentation I gave yesterday. Not much about vitamins in there, you will see: 2013-09-10 Media Briefing – Philosophy of Epidemiology

Is breast best?

Following my post on the recent debate about being overweight, my attention was drawn to a recent systematic review of the long-term effects of breastfeeding published by the World Health Organisation (WHO). The report raises some related issues, and some that are interesting in their own right.

The review suggests the long-term benefits of breast-feeding do not seem especially dramatic. This is in contrast to the attitude to breast-feeding in some, but by no means all, developed countries, where breast-feeding is strongly encouraged. This raises the question as to why it is so strongly encouraged, and why parents should feel “guilt” (as one news report puts it) if they do not breast-feed.

Two points strike me about this. First, as in the discussion about the correct message on being overweight, there may be an argument that the simple message is the right one even if it isn’t accurate. On this line of argument – which I don’t endorse – the message “breast is best” ought to be put about even if the reality is more complicated. Maybe high quality formula made with sterilised water will not be significantly worse for a healthy baby than breast milk (goes this line of thought); however, there are many situations where breast-feeding can make the difference between life and death – where water quality is dubious, and where high quality formula is too expensive, for example. So better to stick with “breast is best”, and let some conscientious persons endure guilt that is strictly unnecessary. Besides, there is no evidence that breast is not best – only that it not make as much of a difference as that slogan may suggest.

As in the case of the message on being overweight, I think this argument is not a good one. A distinction must be drawn between necessary simplification for communication purposes, which we all do, all the time; and making assertions that go beyond the evidence. Perhaps we all do that too, but we shouldn’t. The worrying possibility that this systematic review raises is that the breast-feeding drive in some countries – the UK is one I know a little about – has gone well beyond the evidence that would justify it, which presumably means it is driven by ideology or conviction more than by evidence. The persistence and dangers of medical convictions, albeit deeply and honestly held, are well-known, most famously associated with the practice of blood-letting, and most recently highlighted by the evidence-based medicine movement.

The second point occurring to me is that there is no study that can settle the question of what is best for a given child. The slogan “breast is best” is ambiguous, because “best” can be read in more than one way. It could mean nutritionally best, in which case, the study seems to confirm that the slogan is true. Or it could mean best for the child, all things considered. In many situations, the two go together, especially in low-resource settings for reasons previously mentioned. But they are not the same. In higher-resource settings, it is easy to imagine breast-feeding having considerable costs for a child, all things considered. A breast-feeding mother may be less able to pursue her career, which may affect household income; and that appears to be an important social determinant of health. The psychological effect on the mother of forsaking professional opportunities might also have an impact on the child and the family as a whole. This will obviously depend on the particular mother and on the particular family. Some mothers might be in a position to balance demands; some may not have or want jobs or careers of a sort that would be impacted. But there are at least some women who see motherhood as forcing them to make sacrifices in their professional lives. Bottle-feeding may reduce the extent of these sacrifices, making it possible for other people to look after the child during the day, and indeed the night. In a nutshell, one size doesn’t fit all, contrary to what the “breast is best” slogan suggests. It could be that bottle, not breast, is best for a particular child, when all the circumstances are considered.

The review raises this possibility because the size of the long-term advantage of breast-feeding appears to exist, but to be small. For example, there appears to be a positive causal link between breast-feeding and IQ. But the size is small, and as the report points out, it isn’t clear how much of an advantage a small improvement in performance on intelligence tests really is (or really indicates, perhaps). It is easy to imagine a small advantage in intelligence being outweighed by factors such as having a higher household income, or simply having a happier mother. And of course if we expand the scope of outcomes beyond the strictly health-related then the imaginative task becomes even easier.

These issues are complex. Nonetheless it seems to me that there is a difference between simplifying and distorting. Breast-feeding makes significant demands of a particular individual (the mother), which are in part justified by the health benefits for another (the child). Because these demands are so significant, and because the moral compulsion involved is so strong, it cannot be right to overstate the advantages of breastfeeding relative to nearly-as-good alternatives, where these are available. Nor can it be right to ignore the possibility of socially mediated health effects of breastfeeding (household income, family happiness, etc.) and focus exclusively on nutritional effects. The slogan “breast is best” may be appropriate in areas riddled with cholera and dysentery (I make no judgement about that) but I doubt that it is justified in, for example, the UK, and relevantly similar countries.

Is being overweight good for you?

There has recently been a dispute about obesity and mortality, briefly as follows. A paper reporting a systematic review was published in the Journal of the American Medical Association (JAMA) earlier this year by Katherine Flegal of the US National Center for Health Statistics, in which Flegal and colleagues suggested that being overweight was associated with lower all-cause mortality than being normal weight. They confirmed that being obese, as opposed to merely overweight, is associated with higher mortality. This provoked a public response from Walter Willett, Chair of Epidemiology and Nutrition at Harvard, who called the paper “a pile of rubbish” and suggested that “no one should waste their time reading it”. The reasons that have received widest circulation are that such results undermine public health efforts, which require simple messages.

There is a thoughtful editorial in Nature here, siding with Flegal against Willett:

http://www.nature.com/news/the-big-fat-truth-1.13039

The argument developed by the editors of Nature is that by simplifying public messages about science, we open the door to easy refutation. They draw an interesting comparison with messages about climate change. The line that climate change is settled science makes the life of opposing lobbyists easier, they suggest, because all those lobbyists need to do is point to any kind of scientific controversy about any detail of climate change science, and they will have demonstrated that the public message is false, and perhaps even known to be false by the very people pushing it. Likewise, the editors argue, over-simple messages on obesity and mortality will be easy to falsify. In both cases, this leads to disputes about details and obscures the big picture, which is clear, even if the exact point at which bodyweight becomes a problem (or the exact rate of rise in sea levels) is still a topic of active research.

A couple of thoughts struck me as I read this editorial, and the coverage thereof. First, most obviously, none of the parties seem that interested in truth. The question seems to be: what is the most effective communication strategy for improving public health? – and not: for communicating the truth of the matter in question? The editors of Nature claim that communicating the truth of the matter in question is the most effective strategy for improving public health, but they do not argue (here) for the intrinsic value of promoting scientific knowledge.

Perhaps that shouldn’t surprise me, but it does. Science derives its claim to a special voice in social and political matters from its impartiality and transparency, and not merely from the fact that it gets the right answers (when indeed it does).

My second thought is that this is, perhaps, a point at which medical and scientific traditions conflict. In science, there is no “patient”, and scientific authority is based on reason, at least in the Enlightenment ideal. (HPS colleagues, you will please forgive my simplification here, but perhaps you will enjoy the associated irony.) There is no corollary of the doctor-patient relationship in science, or between science and society more generally. I wonder if disputes of this kind about public health messages illustrate a conflict between two ways of thinking about how technical information ought to be conveyed: one broadly educational, as a physicist might seek to communicate her findings to a wider audience; the other broadly manipulative, in the (intended-as-neutral) sense of seeking to influence the behaviour of the public, as if it were a patient being treated.

There are of course a number of other things that might be said about this particular study, and which Willett may well have been referring to in his comments. Body-mass index is an outdated and crude measure of adiposity, devised when people were on average slighter, and it puts even mildly athletic persons with little body fact but a solid build in the “overweight” category. Then there are various criticisms of systematic reviews. Finally, there is the fact that a causal inference on the basis an association like this would be excessively hasty. Of course, the conclusion of the study is not that there is a causal link between being overweight and living longer; but being coy about causal talk is a poor substitute for being clear that the evidence is compatible with a range of very different causal stories.

It remains surprising that such high profile studies remain open to such basic objections. If public health messages are to be more honest and more complicated, then perhaps objections could also be more widely communicated, and in particular causal euphemisms and hints could be replaced by a franker admission of ignorance. Willet is not doing anything special by advocating a simplified message; he is just advocating a more explicit, less euphemistic kind of simplification, and a different emphasis – less kindly, spin – from that adopted by the authors. To this extent, the rebuke in Nature is, I suggest, not entirely fair.

Postdoc, UJ, Philosophy of Science

The Department of Philosophy at the University of Johannesburg seeks to appoint a Postdoctoral Research Fellow to build on its growing strengths in the philosophy of science, broadly construed. The Fellow will pursue his or her own research under the supervision of Alex Broadbent (joining two existing Fellows in the philosophy of science). Relevant research interests fall within the philosophy of science broadly construed, to include the philosophy of epidemiology and medicine, as well as relevant topics in metaphysics and epistemology, notably causation. Applications are also welcome from those with an interest in relevant jurisprudential or political issues, for example the use of scientific or statistical evidence in legal or policy contexts. Any other interesting application will also be considered.

The Fellow may be asked to take on light teaching loads commensurate with career development, but these are not onerous and in duration do not exceed one quarter of the year.

The post is for one year in the first instance but is usually renewable subject to satisfactory publication. Funds for travel and other resources are also available, depending on progress with publications. Salary is 200,000 Rands p/a AFTER tax. Fellows are required to take out basic medical insurance.

Applicants should email the following materials to Alex Broadbent (abbroadbent@uj.ac.za) by 15 July 2013 and can expect a response by 31 July 2013. Informal or pre-application inquiries also welcome.

  1. CV
  2. Writing sample
  3. Indication of proposed research (300-500 words)

Call for Registration: Evidence in Healthcare Reform

Symposium at the Brocher Foundation, Geneva, 4-5 July 2013

Speakers: Alex Broadbent, Nancy Cartwright, Michael Marmot, Alfredo Morabia, Justin Parkhurst, Anya Plutinski, Jacob Stegenga, and Sridhar Venkatapuram.

Organised by Alex Broadbent (abbroadbent@uj.ac.za)and Sridhar Venkatapuram (svenkatapuram@gmail.com)

Register here: http://www.brocher.ch/en/events/evidence-in-healthcare-reform/

ABOUT THE SYMPOSIUM

Health care financing and provision is undergoing a crisis around the world. In Europe, the cost of medical care are increasing, along with levels of national spending on healthcare. Moreover the rate of increase exceeds the rate of regional economic growth. Something must be done, but it is far from clear what is the right political or social response. In much of the developing world, on the other hand, the situation is the reverse: increases in prosperity, particularly in the BRICS countries, have not been accompanied by significant healthcare investment; or else significant healthcare investment has benefited only a small portion of society. South Africa, for example, has some of the best medical care in the world, but it is not available to the majority of the population, and preventable morbidity and mortality remains shockingly high. And in North America, there are both high medical costs and highly unequal access, something which the present government has spent considerable political capital attempting to remedy. In short, there is very little apparent agreement on how a healthcare system should be organized in order to be effective, efficient, and equitable, despite a near-universal acceptance that health is both morally and economically important to individual and national wellbeing.

Against this backdrop, this symposium is convened to examine the philosophical underpinnings of effectiveness, efficiency and equity. Public and political debate about healthcare reform inevitably focuses on who should pay and who should provide. This workshop, however, seeks to address the prior question of what works: what healthcare measures are effective for improving population health, how we know they have been effective, and what evidence we need before confidently deploying them in a given sociopolitical setting.  Indeed, much of the tumult surrounding health care reform can only be understood when health policy is seen to share important common elements with other public policies. It is not determined only by scientific evidence, nor must it answer only to that evidence. It is also variously influenced by legal rights, bureaucratic norms, political negotiations, and market mechanism, and it must balance these forces against the scientific evidence for effectiveness. In this workshop we focus on the way scientific evidence fits into this complex sociopolitical setting: how it can, how in fact it does, and how it ought to influence healthcare reform.

In particular, the symposium has the following goals:

  1. To understand the notions of effectiveness, efficiency and equity as they are and ought to be employed in healthcare reform. Especially, to identify the normative implications of the first two, and to clarify the third.
  2. To assess the use of systematic reviews to drive healthcare reform. Especially, to bring together the various criticisms of their use, to identify evidence (if any) for their effectiveness, and to arrive at a clear “best practice” recommendation for the use of evidence in healthcare reform.
  3. To highlight the challenges facing developing countries attempting healthcare reform. Especially, to identify novel ways in which social determinants of health and disease might be managed as part of healthcare reform, and to specify the evidence necessary for such measures.

To register, visit http://www.brocher.ch/en/events/evidence-in-healthcare-reform/